Racial Gaps Among Teachers and Students in New Jersey

Racial mismatches in schools, where the proportion of teachers of color is different than the proportion of students of color, can cause harm. Unfortunately, teachers of color in the U.S. are under-represented relative to the student population. Several studies (see partial list below) show students have better academic and social outcomes when taught by same-race teachers. White students, in addition, who lack teachers of color may develop stereotypes and biases because of racial isolation.

This piece presents the results of an analysis of the racial composition of teachers and students in New Jersey. It draws on 2016 data from the NJ Department of Education to investigate the extent of mismatch. One main finding is that black and Latinx teachers are significantly under-represented. This under-representation varies among schools throughout the state -- some schools have large gaps, while others have no under-representation. These findings, coupled with findings from other research, suggests that many Black and Latinx students in New Jersey are harmed by teacher under-representation.

To illustrate the extent and variation of teacher-student gaps, consider the following. All teachers at Millville City's R. M. Bacon Elementary School were white, although the school had a significant number of students of color (131 black and 83 Latinx students). Piner Elementary School in Lakewood Township had a single Latinx teacher, but nearly 500 Latinx students. At Kittatinny Regional High School, with approximately 1,000 white students making up 95% of the student body, almost all teachers were white (92 of 95). In 485 schools, all teachers are white. The racial composition of New Jersey teachers and gaps between teachers and students mostly favors white students, who are far more likely to be taught by same-race teachers.

Next, I provide a summary of the mechanisms by which gaps can cause harm. Then, an interactive graphic with results for each school are presented. This is followed by a review of potential remedies and questions for future investigation.

How Racial Gaps and Overmatching May Cause Harm

The race of teachers and students are certainly not the only things that matter in education. Some may argue that reforms that aim to integrate students or hire teachers of color distract from issues like teacher quality or school funding. These folks may rhetorically ask, Would you rather a good teacher or a teacher of a particular race? That kind of question assumes you can't have both. And it assumes that the race of a teacher (or the racial composition of a faculty) is never an indicator of "good." Considering the mechanisms through which racial gaps and overmatches may cause harm could bring discussions back into useful territory. Here are some:

• Role model effects: For example, students of color see a small proportion of same-race teachers working in their schools. The lack of same-race role models may encourage children to feel that they "don't belong" or are imposters in positions of power and influence. Conversely, white students may develop the idea that they are intellectually superior, bolstering negative biases towards those who they do not see in positions of power.

• Variation in expectations and treatment: White teachers may have lower academic perceptions and attitudes towards students of color (e.g., see this study). Teachers of color may be more likely to encourage students of the same race to enroll in AP classes. Several studies also show a connection between the racial composition of faculty and the likelihood of being disciplined based on race. See the "Representative Bureaucracy" literature for a review of these mechanisms and more.

• Mono-racial experiences: Students in segregated schools are less likely to benefit from other-raced teachers with diverse knowledge and experiences. High racial match among students and teachers prevents exposure to racial diversity. Developing harmful stereotypes and prejudices may result. There is a large body of literature about the social mechanisms which connects segregation to negative outcomes. Elizabeth Anderson's Imperative of Integration contains a comprehensive and recent summary of the evidence.

State Summary

New Jersey has a far greater proportion of white teachers than white students. The proportion of white teachers (85%) was slightly less than double the proportion of white students (46%) -- a gap of 38 percentage points. In other words, students are disproportionately more likely to be in the presence of white teachers.

New Jersey: State Totals

Some schools track the average state statistics closely, but many other schools have much larger or smaller gaps. For example, some schools are almost completely one race, so the mismatch is near zero. In 118 schools, more than 90% of teachers and more than 90% of students were white. Racial gaps and overmatches in NJ schools are explored in the graphs below.

Teacher-Student Mismatch Distributions in NJ

The distributions below show that black, Latinx, and white mismatches varied across schools. For example, 216 schools had no under-representation of black teachers -- that is, the proportion of black teachers was greater than the proportion of black students in these schools. On the other end of the continuum, there were 212 schools in which the under-representation of black teachers was large -- between -30 and -100 percentage points.

One observation from examining the three graphics above is that the depth of Latinx under-representation was greatest. That is, there were more than 534 schools with large Latinx gaps, approx. double that for blacks. Nonetheless, the black and Latinx under-representation gaps were several dozen orders of magnitude above that for whites. Less than one-fifth of one percent of schools (0.17%) had a large white gap, while 22% had a large black gap and 43% had a large Latinx gap.

Rankings for All Public Schools in NJ

A rank based on the degree of under-representation is given for each school. Higher ranks were given to schools where the proportion of a specific race of teachers was higher than the proportion of students of that race. For example, the highest ranked (i.e., #1) school for black was Octavio V. Catto Community Family School in Camden, where 16% of students and 45% of teachers were black. The lowest ranked (i.e., #2,305) was Lady Liberty Academy Charter School, where 94% of students and no teachers were black.

To facilitate interpretation, gaps were given descriptive labels. Gaps from zero percentage points (i.e., no under-representation) to -15 percentage points were deemed small, gaps between -15 to -30pp were deemed medium, and gaps less than -30pp were labelled large. Schools that had no under-representation (i.e., there were more teachers of a race than there were students) are noted.

The rank statistics and the categorization is meaningful for the majority of schools, but caution is needed. For example, consider the black teacher-student gap. Over 40 schools had a gap of zero percentage points. The gap is zero in these schools, however, because there were no black students and no black teachers. Interpreting these schools as deserving praise would miss the fact that they are hyper-segregated. This type of school can be identified in the interactive graphic. A school's rank can suggest a possible need for reform, but adding context is encouraged.

One way to use the data below is to bring schools with large gaps and low rankings to the attention of school boards, superintendents, principals, and human resource officers. The combination of these groups is likely to have some direct power to implement remedies (some of which are outlined below). You could ask the relevant parties to: 1) provide reports that outline the efforts that have been taken in recent years to address underrepresentation, and 2) produce action plans that detail the steps that will be taken in the future. Other relevant parties to engage include NJ State officials and legislators and schools of education. The current NJ Superintendent, Lamont Repollet, made efforts to to increase to teacher diversity when he led for Asbury Park school's. With some encouragement and support, he may be able to make significant headway through state regulation.

New Jersey Schools

The bottom panel in the above graph is a result of a kernel density estimate, which results in a smoothed version of a histogram.

Possible Remedies

• Desegregate student enrollment in schools. New Jersey “has had one of the worst records of racially imbalanced schools,” according to a report from The Civil Rights Project. There is no “gap” in an all white student body in a school with all white teachers. The lack of a gap in cases like this does not mean there are no problems. Reducing this kind of segregation may reduce stereotypes and biases. In 2018, The New Jersey Coalition for Diverse & Inclusive Schools is leading a movement for school integration. Their website has a wealth of information about segregation, and possible solutions, especially relevant to NJ.

• Aggressively attract and retain teachers of color. Teachers in NJ are overwhelmingly white (86%), while less than half of students are white (46%). Increasing the number of teachers of color could fill this gap. A report from The Learning Policy Institute describes several problems with attracting and retaining teachers of color along with several promising practices for addressing those problems.

• Shift existing staff to improve racial dispersion. The largest racial gaps in some schools could be partially addressed by moving staff (e.g., by providing incentives for staff to switch schools).

• Transform the political control of schools. This is not an easy or technocratic solution, so many reformers may feel this is pie in the sky idealism. But it is much more fundamental, and therefore likely to be truly transformative, than other possible remedies. Organizations and movements like the NAACP, Black Lives Matter, NJ Institute for Social Justice and many more work towards empowering people of color. Broadly supporting these groups may shift the political governance of schools. This “movement remedy” may subsequently influence racial segregation and gaps among students and teachers.

Further Questions About Racial Gaps in NJ

• How are students and teachers grouped racially within schools? In my magnet high school in Atlanta, GA, school-wide statistics of teacher and student would have given a picture of racial diversity and inclusion. However, due to sorting, tracking, and bias within the school, I was often in classrooms (and social situations like eating lunch) with a disproportionately high number of white students and teachers. The quantitative analyses on this page relies on school-wide statistics and do not illuminate gaps at the level of classrooms and social activities like lunch. Districts in NJ could study existing and new data to illuminate gaps and racial segregation within schools.

• How do the opportunities to become teachers for Black and Latinx people differ from white people? Evidence of racial discrimination at the point of hire is strong and mostly unchanging over the last few decades. This evidence is not specific to hiring teachers, but I don’t see good reasons why teacher hiring would be immune to the discrimination broadly found in other fields. Ongoing housing discrimination seems quite relevant to understanding racial differences in opportunities for becoming teachers. When people of color are steered away from certain neighborhoods then they will be farther away from jobs in those neighborhoods (and the social networks that lead to hiring). Discrimination in criminal justice, medicine, and teachers’ own k-12 and university education mean that, on average, people of color have fewer opportunities to be in the traditional “pipeline” to become teachers. Finally, it is important to develop solid evidence about the racialized opportunities for good working conditions, training, promotion, and termination. These issues are particularly relevant insofar as they affect teacher retention and therefore the teacher supply. For more information see this analysis, which highlights problems and solutions regarding recruiting and retaining teachers of color.

• What have governments and institutions in NJ done in recent years to address racial gaps? Researching what has worked and why in NJ could provide ideas for folks looking to strengthen campaigns to address gaps. Of particular interest is what those working in the field of education have tried, but it makes little sense to ignore attempts to change discrimination in housing, criminal justice and other realms that could influence teacher supply and child segregation. There are examples of ways that districts have tried to increase retention of teachers of color, but descriptions of these programs and rigorous analysis of their effectiveness are sparse nationally and non-existent in NJ (please prove me wrong!).

• How significant, and where, are gaps for all racialized students? The analysis here includes data only on the three largest racial/ethnic groups in NJ: white, Latinx, and black. This focus was merely an attempt to simplify an issue that can be quite complex. More analysis should be done to explore gaps for the other racial group data that are currently collected by the NJDoE (i.e., Native American, Asian, Pacific Islander, and multiracial). My experience in Newark Public Schools, moreover, suggests race data are not collected in rigorous ways that respect the nuanced ways race is both an identity and social construction with real effects (e.g., students/families are not systematically asked to self-identify and school staff reportedly will often create data based on guesses and assumptions). Without higher quality basic race data, analyzes of gaps will be imprecise.

• How important are racial gaps compared to other issues of racial justice? On the one hand, there is evidence of harm associated with gaps and therefore it is inexcusable not to address. On the other hand, there seems to be limited racial justice movement energy and addressing issues like culturally sustaining education, school funding, and the connection between socioeconomic position and race may be a better use of limited energy.

• How can diversity, match and mismatch be usefully summarized? Many analyzes of teacher and student racial mismatch use composite indices in an attempt to summarize multiple racial groups. Shortcomings and alternative measures have been offered (see, e.g., here). However, many of the alternatives are still composites, which have similar problems: they contain a level of abstraction that is disconnected from lived experiences of race and diversity. The results in this report are comparatively more disaggregated and the presentation is intended to provide easily digestible information, but this makes it somewhat difficult to think simultaneously about mismatches within and across several racial groups. Better ways to visualize, sort, and summarize racial statistics are certainly possible and deserve more effort.

Residential Segregation and Racial Gaps

Residential segregation is related to school segregation. Gaps among teachers in students across segregated schools is also related to residential segregation. Explore an interactive map of schools in New Jersey here.

Research about teacher-student racial diversity and mismatch

Racial Mismatch in the Classroom: Beyond Black-white Differences

4 ways to measure diversity among public school teachers

Teachers, race, and student achievement in a randomized experiment

Who Believes in Me? The Effect of Student-Teacher Demographic Match on Teacher Expectations

Representation in the classroom: The effect of own-race teachers on student achievement

Student-Teacher Racial Match and Its Association With Black Student Achievement: An Exploration Using Multilevel Structural Equation Modeling

The Effects of Teacher Match on Students’ Academic Perceptions and Attitudes

The State of Teacher Diversity in American Education

Appendix: Data Sources

The data come from the NJ Dept. of Education for the year 2016. Teacher race data are for “Certificated Staff” only. Race data for non-certificated staff were not available on NJDoE’s website. Student race data are from the enrollment files provide by the state. Some schools are excluded from the above analysis because teacher race data were missing in the NJDoE’s files.